The List They're Trying to Hide from You? We Got It.

Here's the thing about the Republican Party of Texas delegate list: Party data has a way of walking out the back door to operatives like Luke Macias, while the SREC and intra-party opposition get nothing. That network doesn't just move data; it moves messaging, paid influencers like Alex Muse, whose sponsored content boosts Enterprise-backed candidates like Bo French.

Scorecard Confessions obtained the 2026 RPT State Convention delegate list from a source within the party. We are publishing this disclosure because the existence of that list, who has it, who doesn't, and the rule written specifically to control all of that, is the story.

The Lock They Built After the Door Was Already Open

In May 2024, RPT General Counsel Rachel Hooper walked into the 2024 State Convention Rules Committee and moved to amend Rule 32. Her stated purpose was delegate privacy. Her language would restrict the delegate list exclusively to party use, prohibiting its disclosure to anyone "outside of the Republican Party of Texas."

On the record, Hooper said:

"These delegate lists are the information of the Republican Party of Texas and should not be released to anyone outside of our party, in my opinion... I don't want our delegate list just going out the door willy-nilly and we have no control over how that information is used. I don't want the party to be in the business of selling lists."

That sounds reasonable. It would sound more reasonable if the list hadn't already been going out the door, not willy-nilly, but with apparent deliberation, for years before she filed that amendment.

One member of the Rules Committee who helped write the prior, broader access language put it plainly when Hooper moved to restrict it:

"The point was to level the playing field between the party officials who had access to all of this data and the candidates running for office who did not."

In other words: the existing rules that Hooper wanted to strip away were specifically designed so that challengers for party office could reach the same delegates that incumbent SREC members and party staff already had in their contacts. Hooper's amendment would end that. The committee passed it anyway.

What Was Already Gone

Under Matt Rinaldi's chairmanship, the RPT entered into a service contract with a third-party vendor despite explicit, documented objections to data ownership language the vendor had inserted. According to party staffers with direct knowledge of the negotiations, the vendor repeatedly attempted to include contract terms granting them ownership or use rights over data residing on the party's server. Those provisions were crossed out. Declared non-negotiable. And then the contract was signed anyway.

We do not know the full scope of what that contractual surrender made accessible: Donor lists? Membership databases? Contact infrastructure? Delegate rosters? When the vendor has a contractual claim on your server data, "what did they take" becomes a question that requires forensic accounting. What vendor received the Texas GOP's data dump? That would be Jonathan Stickland's Pale Horse Strategies.

What we can document is the evidence of the leak, and it is the kind of evidence that doesn't require anyone's cooperation to verify:

Delegates who registered for previous RPT conventions used email addresses created exclusively for convention registration, addresses used nowhere else, known to no one else, and began receiving unsolicited political communications from Luke Macias.

There is exactly one way Luke Macias gets a delegate's convention-only email address: the party gave it to him.

Macias is who took over at Pale Horse Strategies after Jonathan Stickland got kicked to the curb for hosting a vibing sesh with white supremacists at the office. Pale Horse/Defend Texas Liberty was the primary financial supporter of the Republican Party of Texas during Matt Rinaldi’s tenure as chairman. The party's data was just a signing bonus.

The party that couldn't keep its vendor from writing data access into their service contracts was also, apparently, routing delegate contact information to the political operatives of The Enterprise.

Then They Locked the Door: Selectively.

After Rachel Hooper's amendment became Rule 32 at the 2024 convention, the party had its legal framework. The list was now officially restricted to "the business of the Republican Party of Texas." What counted as business was left undefined, which turned out to be a very useful ambiguity for whoever happened to be sitting in the chair.

Chairman Abraham George used that ambiguity in early 2026 to announce he would not share the delegate list with anyone but himself and his staff. According to Current Revolt's reporting, George's vice chair, D'Rinda Randall, was specifically denied access. Randall, it should be noted, is running against George for the chairmanship. The incumbency protection built into that arrangement was not subtle.

What is particularly instructive is what George was doing while denying everyone else: distributing the list to allies. The rule that was supposed to protect delegate privacy was functioning as a selective access mechanism, Tim Dunn and The Enterprise in, challengers out.

The SREC voted 55-5 to override George's interpretation in an April 2026 emergency meeting. The motion that won, authored by Rolando Garcia, made the basic argument that a party cannot run internal elections while its incumbent officials monopolize the only contact list that matters. The motion that lost, 3-56, would have kept disclosure to an absolute minimum.

Journalists, SREC members, and county party chairs, were reportedly told they could have the delegate list after the April 22 emergency meeting. They still do not have it.

We do.

Hooper Takes a Bow, Then Changes Her Story

In April 2026, while the SREC was still sorting out the wreckage of George's list monopoly, Hooper hopped into the live chat of a streamed SREC meeting and decided to weigh in. In one comment, Current Revolt reported, she explained her involvement in the rule changes by citing, for the first time on record, death threats she claims to have received.

She also referred to it as "my Rule 32 revision."

Two things:

First: the ownership. RPT's General Counsel personally championing a bylaw amendment, publicly calling it hers, and using party communication channels to lobby SREC members, precinct chairs, and grassroots Republicans on its behalf, all of that has been documented in a formal complaint letter to Chairman George from SREC member Brandon Hodges. The complaint notes that Hooper's role is supposed to be advisory and non-voting. Hooper has decided that doesn't apply to her.

Second: the death threats. We have Rachel Hooper's actual testimony from the 2024 Rules Committee hearing, on record, on transcript, verbatim. She testified for her amendment. She made her case. The committee passed it.

Death threats did not come up. Not once.

What came up was data ownership, not wanting the list to go "out the door willy-nilly", not wanting the party to be "in the business of selling lists", and Hooper noting that her own address, as a public official, is protected by law, and that she wanted delegates treated with the same care.

What is not on the record, anywhere, in any testimony or committee hearing, is a death threat justification. That argument surfaced two years after the rule was written, in a YouTube live chat, while Hooper was keyboard-warrioring amidst getting torched for the rule she wrote being wielded exactly as she intended.

The Question You Should Be Asking

Here is the full sequence:

• The RPT under Rinaldi allowed party data to flow through:
  • Vendor contracts
  • Operational relationships
  • Whatever mechanism gave Luke Macias and Pale Horse network access.
• The RPT's own General Counsel then wrote the rule that would retroactively restrict that same list. The rule was used not to protect delegates but to give one chairman an information monopoly during his own re-election campaign.
  • The press was denied.
  • Challengers were denied.
  • The Enterprise was not.

Now consider that The Enterprise: Tim Dunn, Farris Wilks, and their constellation of shell-companies and sham organizations, is lobbying Greg Abbott to appoint Nate Schatzline as Texas Secretary of State (no word if they actually registered this time).

The Secretary of State's office manages the Texas voter registration database: approximately 18.7 million records that include:

• Names
• Addresses
• Party affiliation
• Voting history
• Access to Texas Department of Public Safety and other state agency databases.

The Secretary of State's office also sets standards for voting system certification, distributes voter file data to campaigns, researchers, county officials, and media. It is the authoritative source on Texas election data for every election cycle.

The Enterprise, that couldn't keep the delegate list from going to its own operatives, wants to run that office.

Schatzline has never sat on the House Elections Committee. He filed zero election-related bills in his first term and four in an eight-day window at the end of his second, all messaging bills drawn from the "Stop the Steal" playbook, none of them touching the operational mechanics of the office he's being appointed to run.

He is not being appointed because he knows how to administer elections. He is being installed because the network that already demonstrated what it does with party data wants someone at that desk who won't ask where the voter file is going.

Rachel Hooper said she didn't want the party's list "going out the door willy-nilly."

We'd like to know what she thinks happened under Rinaldi.

And then we'd like to know what happens to 18.7 million voter records under Schatzline.

Sources

• Rules Committee: 2024 RPT State Convention, May 22, 2024. Transcript on file. Rachel Hooper identified as RPT General Counsel on the record.
• Source with direct knowledge, identity protected. Convention-only email addresses confirmed to have received unsolicited communications from Luke Macias prior to the April 2026 SREC Rule 32 clarification.
• Texas Tribune, October 17, 2023.
• The Texas Voice, updated 2023. DTL contributed "$332,500 to the Republican Party of Texas so far this year."
• Source with direct knowledge, identity protected.
• Current Revolt, April 17, 2026.
• Emergency SREC Meeting: Rule 32, April 22, 2026. Final vote: Garcia substitute 55, Pickle clarification 5, 1 abstain. Jordan minimum-disclosure amendment: 3-56-1.
• Schatzline committee assignments and bill filings. Full breakdown.
• Current Revolt, April 24, 2026. "Many People Are Saying (4/24/26)." Documents Hooper's YouTube live chat comments claiming death threats and describing Rule 32 as "my Rule 32 revision," alongside SREC member Brandon Hodges's formal complaint letter to Chairman George.

Update: This article was revised for clarity and precision.